处死美国公民张首晟估计是引用了Jr. Bush时期签署的 AUMF法案 海华需选对立场  
 
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处死美国公民张首晟引用了Jr. Bush时期签署的 AUMF法案 海华需选对立场 
作为敌国的一部分,美国公民可以由美国武装力量直接处死。推测处死张是美国军方, 
NSA,CIA 多方的联合行动。 
这样的处死不需要任何审判,不需要对媒体公布细节,不需要承认或否认。 
目前还不清楚处死的细节,有未经证实的消息说,张跳楼后,看到有两个戴着黑色墨镜 
的亚裔从楼后门匆匆离去。 
Lawyers for the Obama administration, arguing for their ability to kill an 
American citizen without trial in Yemen, contended that the protection of US 
citizenship was effectively removed by a key congressional act that blessed 
a global war against al-Qaida. 
Known as the Authorization to Use Military Force (AUMF), the broad and 
controversial 2001 law played a major role in the legal decision to kill 
Anwar al-Awlaki, the former al-Qaida propagandist and US citizen, in 2011, 
according to a redacted memorandum made public on Monday. 
"We believe that the AUMF's authority to use lethal force abroad also may 
apply in appropriate circumstances to a United States citizen who is part of 
the forces of an enemy authorization within the scope of the force 
authorization," reads the Justice Department memorandum, written for 
attorney general Eric Holder on 16 July 2010 and ostensibly intended 
strictly for Awlaki's case. 
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Among those circumstances: "Where high-level government officials have 
determined that a capture operation is infeasible and that the targeted 
person is part of a dangerous enemy force and is engaged in activities that 
pose a continued and imminent threat to US persons or interests." 
The 2nd US circuit court of appeals in Manhattan released the memo on Monday 
in response to a lawsuit from the American Civil Liberties Union and the 
New York Times. 
The AUMF is unbounded by geographic or time limitations, indicating the wide 
berth the Obama administration provides for understanding its powers for 
the potential targeting of US citizens. The administration's official policy 
is that the AUMF ought to be "ultimately repeal[ed]", as Obama said in May. 
The administration does not support immediate repeal, which already faces a 
difficult congressional road. 
Barely over a year after the memo was issued, Awlaki was dead, following a 
US drone strike – the first such lethal strike known to have deliberately 
targeted an American citizen. Yet an earlier US assault on Awlaki, in 
December 2009, predated the memo. 
While Obama administration officials have for years insisted that Awlaki was 
an operational leader of al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, which in 2009 
and 2010 attempted unsuccessfully to detonate bombs inside the US, they have 
also fought lawsuits seeking to reveal their case against Awlaki. 
But for the case against Awlaki, hinted at in a Justice Department "white 
paper" summarizing it that leaked last year, the administration leaned 
significantly on the broad leeway for counter-terrorism the AUMF established. 
"Just as the AUMF authorizes the military detention of a US citizen captured 
abroad who is part of an armed force within the scope of the AUMF, it also 
authorizes the use of 'necessary and appropriate' lethal force against a US 
citizen who has joined such an armed force," reads the memo, written by 
former Justice Department lawyer David Barron, who also analyzed and 
rejected arguments that killing Awlaki would be tantamount to murder. 
"It is true that here the target of the contemplated actions would be a US 
citizen," reads the memo. 
"But we do not believe al-Aulaqi's citizenship provided a basis for 
concluding that section 1119 would fail to incorporate the established 
public authority justification for a killing in this case." 
The release of the memo, as ordered Monday by a federal appeals court, ended 
a legal battle that has stretched for years, intended to prevent the 
administration from killing Awlaki or any other US citizen without trial. 
After losing an April appeal and confronting a challenge by Republican 
senator Rand Paul to deny Barron a federal judgeship, the Obama 
administration agreed not to fight the document's disclosure. 
"The release of the legal memorandum follows the administration’s decision 
last month not to appeal the court’s decision. The material being released 
is consistent with the administration’s previous statements on this issue," 
said Justice Department spokesman Brian Fallon. 
But its suppression challenge took various forms and arguments over the 
years, despite repeated official confirmations about the drone strikes, 
including from the president; despite the confirmed killing of four 
Americans, three of whom are claimed to have been killed accidentally, 
including Awlaki's 16-year-old son; and despite the 2013 leak of a memo 
summarizing the Justice Department's arguments about so-called "targeted 
killing" for Congress. 
The redacted version of the memo released Monday does not reveal much of the 
factual basis for the government's claims that Awlaki represented an 
imminent threat to the United States. 
In the disclosed portions, Barron's memo does not explicitly vouch for the 
government's case against Awlaki, referring instead to "the facts 
represented to us". It refers instead to Awlaki as a "leader" who was " 
continuously planning attacks" against the US, without providing an 
evidentiary basis for claims central to the extraordinary circumvention of 
normal due process procedures. Nor do the public sections explain why 
capturing Awlaki was not feasible, nor why the Justice Department believes 
it need not have provided Awlaki with judicial process. 
The CIA, which along with the military's special operations forces sought 
authority for the strike, declined to comment. Barron was confirmed by the 
Senate to the federal bench on 22 May. 
The Justice Department memo "confirms that the government’s drone killing 
program is built on gross distortions of law", said Pardiss Kebriaei, a 
lawyer with the Center for Constitutional Rights who challenged the Awlaki 
killing, who added that the "forced transparency comes years late". 
Rejecting a government argument that the release of the memorandum would 
chill attorney-client communications, the court wrote on Monday: "If this 
contention were upheld, waiver of privileges protecting legal advice would 
never occur. … We need not fear that OLC will lack for clients." 
Several of the government's appeals for secrecy have been overtaken by the 
public record, the court found. Among them: the "identity of the country in 
which al-Awlaki was killed", which was reported as being Yemen on the day of 
the lethal strike; and the involvement of the CIA, which in addition to 
being an open secret for years was confirmed by former director Leon Panetta. 
"We recognize that in some circumstances the very fact that legal analysis 
was given concerning a planned operation would risk disclosure of the 
likelihood of that operation, but that is not the situation here where drone 
strikes and targeted killings have been publicly acknowledged at the 
highest levels of the Government," the court explained. 
The ACLU, which sought along with the New York Times to compel the release 
of the memo, vowed to fight the government's additional arguments for 
secrecy around other legal foundations of what it calls its "targeted 
killing" program. 
“We will continue to press for the release of other documents relating to 
the targeted-killing program, including other legal memos and documents 
relating to civilian casualties," said deputy legal director Jameel Jaffer. 
"The drone program has been responsible for the deaths of thousands of 
people, including countless innocent bystanders, but the American public 
knows scandalously little about who is being killed and why.” 
In May 2013, Obama raised his standards for launching drone attacks or other 
so-called "targeted" lethal military action against terrorist suspects. 
American drones struck last week in both Yemen and Pakistan, though no 
Americans are suspected of being killed. 
US senator Ron Wyden praised the memo's release and called for more 
transparency on Monday. "For example, how much evidence does the president 
need to determine that a particular American is a legitimate target for 
military action? Or, can the president strike an American anywhere in the 
world? What does it mean to say that capturing an American must be ‘ 
infeasible’? And exactly what other limits and boundaries apply to this 
authority?" he said. 
"I urge the executive branch to build on today’s disclosure and start 
answering these additional questions." 
 
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